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In Brauweiler, by contrast, the civilian director apparently kept the SS guards under control; Wisskirchen, “Schutzhaft,” 140–41. SA Gruppenführer Ernst to Preußisches Md I, September 8, 1933, in Michaelis and Schraepler, , vol. In his speech, Himmler gives the date of his appointment as March 12.

The circular of October 14, 1933, recognized only one more camp, the Provincial Institution Brauweiler; PMI to Provincial Administrations, October 14, 1933, , 80. Quote in Breitman and Aronson, “Himmler-Rede,” 344.

On remuneration, see Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 73; BArch L, B 162/7998, Bl. Nazi statisticians put the figure higher, adding German Jews who had converted or had no religious affiliation. Based on the assumption that up to two hundred thousand prisoners went through the early camps in 1933. In 1932, not one KPD Reichstag deputy was Jewish; Friedländer, , 106. Saxon Ministry of the Interior to police departments, April 18, 1933, cited in Wünschmann, “Cementing,” 583 (emphasis in the original).

Some unemployed SA men did petition the authorities for employment in local camps; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 142. Dillon, “Dachau,” 45, 141; Baganz, , 152; Lüerßen, “‘Moorsoldaten,’” 177. For forced labor of prominent prisoners, see Kienle, “Heuberg,” 54; Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 163. Hans Litten, who embraced his Jewish roots, would have been officially classified as a “half Jew” under the later Nuremberg Laws (his mother was Protestant, his father had converted from Judaism to Protestantism); Hett, , 103. For the estimate, see Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 86, 89. The summer 1933 census recorded some five hundred thousand persons of Jewish faith in the German Reich, making up 0.77 percent of the population; Friedländer, , 15, 338.

For mortality figures, see table 2, appendix; Piper, , 143, 167.

On the other hand, paraphrasing all such quotes would sacrifice immediacy; the tone and wording of orders, after all, was a crucial part of the SS strategy of domination. There is also little systematic work on the headquarters of the Camp SS during the war (see chapter 8) and its interaction with local camps. Strikingly, Schrade ignores the treatment of criminals and asocials throughout his memoir. This accounts for the relatively small number of memoirs by Soviet prisoners; Zarusky, “‘Russen,’” especially pages 105–107, 111. Around May 1, 1933, Beimler was transported from Dachau to a Munich hospital; regarded by doctors as a “malingerer,” he returned to Dachau on a police transport on May 4, 1933; Da A, 17.269, BPP, Betreff: Beimler Johann, May 1, 1933; ibid., 17.270, BPP, Vermerk, May 3, 1933.

Quote in Da A, A-1281, “Aus dem Dachauer Konzentrationslager,” , doc. For the term, see Aly, “Wohlfühl-Diktatur.” More generally, see Gellately, “Social Outsiders,” 57–58. The dual thrust of the “national community” concept was emphasized early in Peukert, , 96–97. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 13; Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel.” On paper, the Fuhlsbüttel camp came under the legal authorities until December 1933, when it was subordinated to the local police in all but economic matters (ibid., 273–74, 307). 19–20: Bericht Justizrat Broh, n.d.; Abraham, “Juda,” 131–33. Bendig, “Unter Regie,” 100; Rudorff, “Misshandlung,” 51–52; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 117; USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 91, 1367–2–33, Bl.

I am drawing here (and below) on Wachsmann and Goeschel, “Introduction.” 15. He was murdered on January 4, 1934, by SA guards in Neusustrum early camp; ibid., 191–203. Compare, for example, the violence Hans Litten suffered in the early camp Sonnenburg in April 1933 to his much milder treatment in Spandau prison a few weeks later; Hett, , doc. For other examples, see USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 91, 1367–2–33, Bl.

More generally, see Zimmerer, “War,” 58–60; Kotek and Rigoulot, , 32.

For criticism of this thesis, see Wachsmann and Goeschel, “Before Auschwitz,” 526–28.

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Compared to the blanket arrests of Communists, the Nazi authorities were more selective when it came to the detention of Social Democrats and union officials, often concentrating on more senior figures. Caplan, “Gender,” 88; Kienle, “Gotteszell”; Mayer-von Götz, , 17, 21. Average daily inmate numbers in German penal institutions increased from c. ninety-five thousand (1933), though not all the new prisoners were political opponents; Wachsmann, , vol. For other institutions holding female protective custody prisoners in 1933, see Riebe, “Frauen,” 125–27. For cells in the Aichach prison, see St AMü, Strafanstalt Aichach Nr. For details of the Berlin elections, see “Wahl zum Deutschen Reichstag in Berlin am 5.3.1933,” sent by Landeswahlleiterin Berlin to the author, October 4, 2011.

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